One of Dworkin’s most intelligent critiques of Scalia, in
my mind, is that regarding individual rights. He writes, “Justices whose
methods seem closest to the moral reading of the Constitution have been
champions, not enemies, and, as the defeat of Robert Bork’s nomination taught
us, the people seem content not only with the moral reading but with its
individualist implications.” (126-7) One way I thought of this as I read it,
was (as you probably guessed) of individual rights as traffic laws. For example,
the repeal of DOMA (to which Scalia passionately dissented) expanded the
traffic laws, so to speak, of our country, so that LGBT people could use the “marriage
lane” the same way anyone else could. This was clearly an expansion of
individual rights, not a contraction, and it was made possible by a “moral
reading of the Constitution,” particularly the Fourteenth Amendment. Scalia
argues that Dworkin misconstrues his argument here, that the Fourteenth “certainly
[does not] … permit discrimination on the basis of age, property, sec, “sexual
orientation,” or for that matter even blue eyes and nose rings.” (148) Yet he
goes on to argue that refusing to require these equal protections by law does
not violate the Fourteenth Amendment. I do not disagree with him here, so long
as the law also does not ensure unequal protections of the law, as it
absolutely did with DOMA. This is not even the Constitution meaning “whatever
it ought to mean,” which Scalia argues against, but really what he would argue
it should be construed to mean: “what the text would reasonably be understood
to mean.” (144)
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