Tuesday, May 3, 2016

A Blog Post with a Normal Title: Constraints on Human Rights

            This post is similar to Henry’s post in the sense that I don’t necessarily buy this practical conception and I might in fact prefer a philosophical basis for human rights (but who really knows????).

            Throughout chapter 3, Beitz compares various naturalistic theories against the existing international human rights doctrine, oftentimes in an effort to point out how naturalistic theories are incompatible with the current doctrine. Originally, I was not convinced that the contemporary theory provides an authoritative baseline for comparison—it is not based on any principle that provides constraints for the content of human rights, but is the result of some persons’ agreement on what constitutes human rights. On pages 67-68, however, Beitz explains why using a philosophical conception in lieu of simply interpreting international human rights as currently presented is wrong—or at least requires a justification:

It is essential to take seriously the aspiration for a normative doctrine suitable for contemporary international life and open to endorsement from a variety of reasonable points of view. It would be consonant with this aspiration to think of an idea of human status or functioning as providing a basis for at least some of the protection embodied in international doctrine. But to rely on these conceptions to interpret the idea of a human right at the center of international doctrine—that requires a justification (Beitz 68).

According to Beitz, although one can use normative doctrines to inform international doctrine, it cannot be its only basis. And if one does use normative doctrines, he/she needs a justification.

            After pointing out many weaknesses in both naturalistic theories and agreement theories, Beitz presents his theory of “emergent” human rights. In chapter 5, Beitz describes his practical conception of human rights—a conception that “seeks not only to grasp its aims but also to appraise their importance and to construe the practice in light of this judgment” (105). Going back to my initial concern: according to his account of this practical conception, one can constrain human rights practices using the idea of aims; anything that is not consonant with the aims of human rights/is not “suited to the public political role” will not be put into practice (105).


            I find this mechanism for constraining the content of human rights extremely unsatisfactory—and somewhat arbitrary. What if persons differ in their opinions on the purposes/aims of human rights (for example, one person believes the state should extend to guaranteeing education and another believes the state should not extend that far)? What are the ramifications for the scope of human rights? Isn’t the purpose of constraining human rights to establish the boundaries of what is acceptable and what is not acceptable? I think that the value of a philosophical basis lies in its ability to dictate and constrain content. I am not quite sure his practical approach really does this.

Sorry, Beitz, You Need a Philosophical Basis for Your Human Rights

            In 125 pages of vagaries, Beitz manages “more or less” to describe a practice of human rights, and why it is certainly superior to one founded on a philosophical basis, among other alternatives. Beitz’ conclusion in the third chapter has two parts: “The first is to show that the inferences drawn from naturalistic conceptions about the contents and basis of international human rights are normative positions requiring a defense; it is a mistake to regard them as analytic. The second is to raise doubt about the relevance of such an exercise to the main dilemmas about international human rights.” (72) Specifically, he outlines four features of “natural rights”: that their force does not depend on the morals and laws set out by a society; that they are “pre-institutional”; that everyone is privy to them at all times and places; and that humans have these rights because of our intrinsic value. (52-3) Later, when proposing his “practical conception,” he determines that it must encompass the following: it must “seek to represent a consensus among competent participants”; it should “rely on a conception of the practice’s aim or purpose in order to adjudicate among conflicting beliefs about the practical significance of its central terms or to resolve ambiguities about their meanings”; it should be broad enough to allow for disagreement within the practice; and that this disagreement within the practice is helpful and necessary to the growth of the practice.” (107-8) Finally, he defines the three elements of his two-level model, which operates on the level of states and the international community as actors: “Human rights are requirements whose object is to protect urgent individual interests against certain predictable dangers… Human rights apply in the first instance to the political institutions of states, including their constitutions, laws, and public policies… Human rights are a matter of international concern.” (109)
            Since “naturalistic conceptions… [require] a defense,” here goes. Of course, I’ll be using Ripstein as my example. First, a naturalistic conception can absolutely be analytic. The principle of equal individual freedom can easily be used to analyze the moral standing of any action or decision, simply by asking the question: “Does this respect the equal claims on freedom that everyone involved has?” Of course, Beitz wants to distance himself from moral claims. In fact, one of the strongest arguments he makes, in my opinion, is the following: “This does not mean that we need no reasons to care about human rights – only that it is not part of the practice that everyone who accepts and acts upon the public doctrine must share the same reasons for doing so.” (104) I will address this after looking at the four features of “natural rights.” The first feature, that natural rights cannot depend on definition by the state, can be answered as such: if I want to be treated a certain way (e.g. not be killed, or have other harms done to me), I have no choice but to treat you in that way. I cannot reasonably make a claim that I deserve freedom while simultaneously denying your equal claim to it. This is a compact between you and me and comes before the state’s laws or morals, which also addresses the second feature. The third feature ties into the same compact. It does not matter time or place. If I want my claims on freedom respected, I must respect yours. Finally, more than any compact, we all deserve to have our equal claim on freedom respected because we are humans. If I deny this premise, I simultaneous devalue my own claim on freedom. To address the above concern about heterogeneity of approaches, we can each have individual reasons for respecting equal individual freedom, but we must all do it if we wish to have our own respected.
            Moving on to his practical conception, a consensus among competent individuals would be best represented by one in which everyone’s equal individual claim on freedom is respected. In this sense, it actually makes sense to enter into a Rawlsian original position. I won’t cut the cake in any way that gives one person a greater claim on freedom because, picking last, I know that I’ll get a lesser claim. Evaluating claims on equal individual freedom also creates a nice “conception of the practice’s aim” for judging between inner disputes. It is broad enough to allow for internal disagreement, and this disagreement surely will lead to a more thorough understanding of what equal individual freedom means in any given context. Finally, the concept of respecting equal claims on freedom can easily be applied to the three elements of Beitz’ two-level model, and to the sub-elements that comprise it.
            I don’t mean to say all this in the belief that Beitz is wrong. However, I believe that he disregards the practicality of an underlying philosophical standard from which human rights can be derived. As he alludes to earlier in the book, there can be such things as first- and second- order rights that come as a naturalistic interpretation moves from a pre-state level to one including states. The premise of equal individual freedom is that it can be interpreted at its most basic level before states, that I will not kill you if you do not kill me, and can become much more comprehensive and powerful once states and the international community build up a practice around it. It can begin to include more specific rights as the process moves along. I agree with Beitz that it is hard to say that anyone has any rights in the state of nature; we are animals, after all, and our principle purpose, thanks to evolutionary adaptations, is to survive and multiply. This has no claims on any rights at all. However, if a practice of rights is to begin, some form of interaction between parties must be present, and that starts with me not killing you, and you doing the same, thus establishing for the first time a respect for each other’s equal claims on freedom.



Lastly, on an unrelated note, I want to thank you all for a wonderful semester. I can’t remember the last class that I genuinely looked forward to attending as much as I have this class. I wasn’t sure about applying to PPE, but made the decision to do so on a gut feeling, and it’s paid off every day since. Similarly, I was nervous when I didn’t know the members of our track as well as I knew the others, but it’s been an absolute pleasure getting to know all of you through our academic endeavors, and becoming both inside and outside of the classroom. I will certainly miss you guys while I’m in Ecuador next semester!

Agreement Theory

In chapter four, Beitz discusses agreement theory and its role in intercultural agreements when it comes to human rights. According to the agreement theory "governments may not always conform to the political values of their own cultures, so there is likely to be room for criticism even if human rights are limited to those to which all cultures can agree" (78). As Beitz states, there is a problem with this type of mentality because it only legitimates human rights within the countries that accept them. Therefore, the context in which a person is determines whether or not their fundamental rights are allowed to be practiced. 

I am not completely sure if I am interpreting the text correctly, but the agreement theory seems to suggest that humans do not have intrinsic value until there is an agreement. The intrinsic value of human beings does not truly exist until society decides to give humans intrinsic value. I think this is counterintuitive because human existence comes before the existence of a society, so the fundamental value of being human transcends the value that is given by society. Beitz seems to be saying that different countries have to cooperate and decide that a right exists together, but I think that countries agreeing only increases the freedoms of the individuals in each country. There is a set of fundamental rights that come with being human. These might be things that are more in line with natural rights and intrinsic value, but there are things that are simply wrong and no one deserves--suffering, starvation, genocide. While it can be argued that the development of these actions caused a reaction for humans to consider to protect those rights, I think that the right was already there but we just did not know what exactly it was until a situation was able to truly uncover and challenged that right.  

The Political Vulnerability of Human Rights

In this book, Beitz presents three competing theories of human rights. To me, none of them can survive from some political harshness. Naturalistic theory seems to be less vulnerable in comparison to the latter two. But it contains many other problems that Beitz discussed already in the book. The social cost problem is huge for naturalistic theory. Beitz wrote that the answer lies at the social relations between people. Even in domestic politics, factions would fight ceaselessly on whose responsibility it is to bear the social cost, not even to mention international politics. The Agreement theory is to me the most vulnerable if you consider many societies that we may deem them as terrorist groups. Shall we consider ISIS norms in the agreement theory? Since ISIS actually might achieve the minimal way that Bernard Williams requires, i.e. a scheme of social cooperation rather than a system of coordinated behavior maintained by force – it is very difficult to tell if people follow the rule mainly because they have fear or they believe in what they are doing or something in between – we have to have a political mechanism to determine what societies should be the societies to look at, and what are not. If the first two theories contain political difficulties empirically, Beitz’s theory contains political problem institutionally. Two-level system is extremely venerable to political influence. Almost all humanitarian aid nowadays are conditioned, especially those given to the poorest regions because they do not have political leverage in the negotiations. I would even call this a neo-colonialism as you see countries hold the belief of human rights and lend/give humanitarian aid in exchange for natural resources in Africa/SE Asia/Latin America. Further, Beitz himself admits that what deems to be threat are influenced by both domestic politics and international politics on page 111.

I love human rights, but in so far I did not know if the political threat is solvable.